THE UKRAINIAN RESEARCH INSTITUTE HARVARD UNIVERSITY
A Bulletin of Facts, Analysis, and Opinion
July-August 1995, Volume 2, Number 4
The Potential for Conflict in Ukraine
An interview with Victor P. Perebenessyuk
Library News and Notes:
The Tokarzewski-Karaszewicz Collection
Profile: A New Gloss on the Peresopnytsia Gospel
Summer School Special Events
Ukraine: Current Trends, Future Prospects
The 1995 Summer Seminar
The Potential for Conflict in Ukraine
An interview with Victor P. Perebenessyuk
In his five years of scientific research in the field of conflicts theory, Dr.Victor P. Perebenessyuk has published close to twenty papers. In 1994 his book Social Conflicts and Youth was published. In the same year he also published Social C onflicts in Ukraine: Their Potential, Spheres of Development, and Resolution. During the 1994-1995 academic year, Dr. Perebenessyuk continued his work at the Ukrainian Research Institute under the auspices of the Social Sciences Research Council and M acArthur Foundation program of International Peace and Security. The topic of his project is "Internal Aspects of International Security: Conflicts in the Countries of the Former Soviet Union during the Transition from Totalitarianism to Democracy and a M arket Economy." The following interview was conducted on March 16, 1995.
What led you to study the issue of social conflict?
I am interested in this problem because it is quite important with regard to the current situation of Ukrainian society. The transition from one form of social organization to another is a conflict in itself. It is a conflict between the old which stil l remains with society and the new which is being born in this society. It is very important that social transformation occur peacefully. Thus, it is necessary to be constantly aware of the conflict situation in Ukraine, i.e., what is the conflict potenti al of the society, what are the possibilities of conflict development, what are the possible ways of solving and regulating conflict disputes at a given stage.
I began working on this problem in 1990 with research on inter-church conflicts in Ukraine, which unfortunately are still going on. These conflicts are multifaceted. On the one hand, there is the conflict between the Greek-Catholic and Orthodox churche s; on the other hand, there is the conflict among the Orthodox churches, since unfortunately there is more than one Orthodox church in Ukraine, all of which are seeking their way to independence. Following my research on inter-church relations, I received my doctoral degree at the Russian Academy of Administration in Moscow in 1992. After graduation I started to work at the newly formed Ukrainian Research Institute of Youth Problems, where I continued my research on social conflict but at a different leve l, particularly the problem of social conflict and Ukrainian youth, i.e., in what way today's youth is involved in the conflict process in Ukraine. I studied this problem for two years and am continuing to work on it. Last summer I began research on the p roblem of social conflict at the level of the whole population.
How does one measure a society's conflict potential?
This is a rather complex methodological question, and it is also one of the reasons for my research here. The study of conflicts was very unpopular in the Soviet Union. Social conflicts were only considered as an aspect of bourgeois criticism, that is, criticism of social conflict theory. Unfortunately, these tensions in criticism did not allow the conflicts present in post-Soviet society society to immediately reveal themselves, and [criticism could not] develop in a separate direction, as it has done so well here.
Conflict potential is not analogous to physical potential. For example, the potential of tension in an electrical circuit equals 220V, but we cannot say that the conflict potential of Ukrainian society equals 100 units or 200 units because it is an int egrated index which consists of different levels. In my opinion, conflict potential should be viewed from different perspectives. First, we experience conflict potential through the level of a population's satisfaction with its position in society. Second , through the population's subjective conflict presentiment of whether conflicts are possible or impossible. If they are possible, then at what time are they possible--in the immediate present, in a year, or in the distant future? Third, through the readi ness of the population--or of certain groups of the population--to take part in actions of social protest. Fourth, through the factors that concern the population the most. All the above-mentioned factors help determine conflict potential, but this proble m is quite difficult for researchers not only in Ukraine but also in the United States. There are separate programs in the United States called L 1 and System Counting. These are newly developed programs which even here in the United States, where the are as of conflict study and conflict resolution are well developed, do not adequately meet the pressing problem of measuring conflict potential.
Is it difficult to compare the conflict potential of Ukraine with that of other countries?
Although my research focuses on the conflict potential in Ukrainian society, it would be of interest to use the same methodology to study the conflict potentials of other countries, especially countries of the former Soviet Union which may have similar concerns. One of the goals of my research here is to establish contacts with organizations that are interested in studying this problem both in the United States and in the former Soviet Union. Although I know that these organizations are numerous, it is difficult to locate information about them. It would be interesting to examine the conflict potential of Russia and Ukraine with the help of the same methodology in order to foretell possible conflicts rather than to interfere with them. If we analyze re al conflicts and real readiness for conflict, it turns out that Ukraine has the fewest conflicts and is the most peaceful amongst all the newly independent states of the former Soviet Union. This can be proved by anticipated as well as by actual conflicts . For example, since independence Russia has experienced--as have other states in Central Asia, in the Baltics, as well as Moldova--many conflicts of a varying nature: political, ethno-political, ethnic, and military. If the question is whether Ukraine is better or worse off than these countries, then the answer is that Ukraine's situation is most certainly much better.
In your writings you have noted that Ukraine is undergoing political, social, economic, religious, ideological, and ethnic transformations that may provoke certain conflicts. Which of these transformations has the greatest conflict potential in Ukra ine?
There is only one answer to this question. The primary problem facing Ukrainians right now is economic. Most people support economic reforms based on market principles but coupled with strong social protections. The psychology of public opinion perceiv es the complexity of the economic situation at a personal level: low salaries, sky-rocketing prices, and a decreasing standard of living. This is the fundamental cause of many conflicts, which affect not only blue-collar workers, such as miners, but also white-collar employees, as for example those working in science, medicine, and culture, who are now in a terrible situation. Proof of this lies in the attempted teachers' strike in Kiev in 1994.
Strikes are one form of conflict; what are some others?
In answering the previous question I meant to imply not that the economic problem in Ukraine is the most pressing one, but that the urgency of the problem lies in its potential for developing into a conflict on a massive scale. At other levels, politic al, religious, and ethnic factors also cause conflicts, but these conflicts are regional rather than statewide. Recently, for example, Ukraine has been undergoing severe and constant inter-church conflicts. These conflicts are for the most part concentrat ed in some of the western regions where Greek-Catholic and Orthodox believers live together, as in Galicia and Transcarpathia. Although these conflicts are severe, there is a dialogue and an agreement of interests between the churches which keeps the conf licts to a local level. However, the flames of these conflicts can be traced to Kiev, the central region, and the southern region. Nevertheless, these conflicts remain regional and are not on such a massive scale as to prevent the development of democracy and economic reforms from taking place in society. There are real political conflicts as well in Ukraine, for example, the conflict between the President and the Supreme Rada. This is a real and severe conflict which is based on their different approache s to economic reform and the political system of Ukraine.
There is also the real and very dangerous conflict in the Crimea, which has various levels, both internal and external. The first internal level, a typical Ukrainian level, is the conflict between the central administration, the (so to speak) constitut ional government of Ukraine, and the regional authorities of the Crimea. Since in this case, the dispute is between central and regional authority, a dialogue and a solution to this conflict are possible in its process of development. The second internal level is the conflict between the Tatars, who were deported and are now returning, and the government of the Crimea, which often cannot help them with resettlement. The political aspect of this conflict is that the Crimean Tatars want to have more represe ntation in Parliament. The third internal level is a general Ukrainian conflict between public opinion in Ukraine, irrespective of the region, and public opinion in the Crimea. The general population of Ukraine thinks that the Crimea should be a part of U kraine, but does not agree on what status the Crimea should have within the state. Western Ukrainians believe that the Crimea should not be privileged, but carry the same status as any other oblast. In eastern Ukraine, opinion may be somewhat more differe ntiated; the majority of the population also believes that the Crimea should be like an oblast, but there are many who believe that it should be an autonomous republic or a republic, or have the same rights and privileges as a state. Despite these differe nces of opinion, the majority of the country's population does not question that the Crimea should be a part of Ukraine.
At the same time, public opinion in the Crimea varies. Forty percent of the Crimean population believes that it should be a part of Ukraine; another 40 percent wants it to be an independent state; no more than 10 percent prefers it to be a part of Russ ia.
The external level of the Crimean conflict is the conflict between Ukraine and Russia. Russia is using the Crimean conflict as a way to preserve some influence over Ukraine. Russia retains its interest in the Crimea both secretly and openly, semi-of ficially and officially. Open and official arguments include the well-known decisions of the former Supreme Soviet of Russia on the status of Sevastopol, while less official arguments include the statements made by the head of the Moscow government, Yuri Luzhkov, who recently said that Sevastopol is the eleventh prefecture of Moscow. This external factor of the Crimean conflict is dangerous not only for Ukrainian-Russian relations but for the world in general, since it could lead to a military conflict wh ich -- considering the concentration of weapons in both Ukraine and Russia, and the relative instability of each, as well as the unresolved problem of the Black Sea fleet--could escalate into a world war. Is it fair to say that different groups of the pop ulation show different levels of readiness for conflict--forexample, the unemployed, the wealthy , and the poor? Is there an economic or socio-economic differentiation here?
Without a doubt. First of all, when speaking of social stratification within the population it is practically impossible to delineate all the social groups in our society. Nevertheless, two opposite poles of social stratification have already been mark ed out. At one pole there are those people who live below the poverty level. At the other end, there is a small group of people, only about six percent of the entire population, who can be considered relatively wealthy or even rich. In general, we are now encountering two levels of conflict in Ukraine involving these groups. The first conflict is the one between the majority of the population and the authorities. Most of the population thinks that the authorities are the principal cause of all the negativ e aspects of our economic situation because in contemporary Ukraine, the authorities have not only political but also many economic obligations. Secondly, we can predict that the conflict will tend to be between the wealthy and the poor, between the two o pposite poles of our society that are most distinctly marked out. If one is speaking about the actual readiness of the population for conflict, then I would say that about one fourth of the entire population is ready to take an active part in actions of s ocial protest.
Do you think economic reforms will influence this readiness for conflict? Will they influence it positively or negatively?
Economic reforms will have both positive and negative sides. I believe that we should be moving forward with economic reforms at a much faster pace. My position is based simply upon the following: economic reforms will allow people to feel like proprie tors. Already one can understand why such a small part of the population is ready to participate in conflicts--even faced with such a terrible economic situation as we have now. Many people have simply ceased to believe that protest actions could affect t he government in such a way as to improve their situation. Therefore, they are looking out for themselves. This in fact supports my opinion that [reforms] will help the most active group of the population to become proprietors and to realize their own pot ential. Those who do so, and who increase their capital, will be able to give some part of this capital to those who are not capable of improving their own economic situation--for example, families with many children, pensioners, invalids. My point of vie w is that economic reforms will help the most active group of the population to realize themselves and to augment Ukraine's capital so that it might be used to help those who cannot earn their own.
However, this may cause several problems. The principal one is unemployment. According to official statistics, the unemployment rate is only at one percent or even less, but the actual unemployment rate is now closer to twenty-five percent. This proble m presents a real danger. People should be given an opportunity to find a new job or to be retrained. The issue of retraining is quite important, especially for those in the military service and the middle class, and it should be addressed along with mark et reforms. Of course, this will slow down economic reforms, and this is the negative side of the issue.
What do you plan to do after you return to Ukraine? What kind of advice can you provide for conflict resolution based on the research you have conducted here?
I think that for contemporary Ukraine it is extremely important to develop its own conflict theory. This should be a theory that would combine both practical and theoretical aspects; one that would unite research, interpretation, and education in confl ict culture; a theory that would help create structures that could help different conflicting sides to resolve their disputes. Such a theory would be of great importance for Ukraine. I am going to put all these plans into practice at the Ukrainian Center for the Study and Prognostication of Conflicts. I have already prepared a project for this center, but now I must find financial support. In general, Ukrainian scholars presently face many financial difficulties. They need money for conducting research, f or buying equipment, organizingconferences where scholars from different countries may exchange experience and knowledge, and for publishing, especially translations of the most important work by researchers from other countries.... The idea is to combine all these kinds of activities into one center where we would be able to develop the study of conflict both practically and theoretically. Such a center should be accessible to anyone who is interested in this theory -- scholars, graduate students, underg raduates, professionals, etc. Overall, I feel quite optimistic about this direction of activity.
Library News and Notes
The Tokarzewski-Karaszewicz Collection
The Ukrainian Research Institute Reference Library announces that the papers of Ukrainian diplomat and heraldist Jan Tokarzewski-Karaszewicz (1885-1954) have been processed and are now open for research.
Born in Chabanivka, Ushytsia county, Podillia gubernia, Tokarzewski-Karaszewicz completed the gymnasium at Zhytomyr in 1906, and then went on to obtain a doctorate in philosophy and economics at Fribourg University, Switzerland, in 1909. In 1911-1918 h e worked in the Poltava gubernia and zemstvo administrations and was general comptroller of the zemstvo Red Cross Committee. He served as an adviser to the Ukrainian People's Republic (UNR) missions in Vienna (June 1918 to June 1919) and Istanbul (August 1919 to March 1920), and as consul general in Istanbul (to December 1921). In the years 1922-1924 Tokarzewski-Karaszewicz became director of the Ministry of External Affairs for the UNR government-in-exile in Poland (Tarnow from 1920-1923 and Warsaw from 1923-1939). In Paris (from 1924) he headed the International Heraldic Institute and supported the Promethean Movement; in Rome (from 1936) he worked in the Vatican Archives; and in London (from 1948) he was a leading member of the Anti-Bolshevik Bloc of N ations. He died in London on November 18, 1954.
The Tokarzewski-Karaszewicz Collection is divided into four series: correspondence (1908-1954); subject files (1918-1948); writings, including manuscripts, published articles, and research (1923-1954); and personal files (1895, 1906-1954). The collecti on as a whole provides insights into the immediate post-World War I period in Ukraine, especially with regard to the Ukrainian National Republic under the command of Symon Petliura and subsequently the government-in-exile. It is also a good source for stu dying Ukrainian political refugee life of members and employees of former Ukrainian diplomatic and economic missions of the UNR, as well as its leaders and statesmen in Paris and England.
Questions about the Tokarzewski-Karaszewicz papers may be directed to Ksenya Kiebuzinski, Ukrainian Research Institute Reference Library, 1583 Massachusetts Avenue, Cambridge, MA 02138, tel. (617) 495-4053.
Five lecturers from the L'viv Theological Academy visited the Institute in July. Three of them -- Iryna Havrylyshyn, Maria Iatsiv, and Svitlana Zdenianchyn -- teach English. The other two -- Uliana Holovach and Taras Luchuk -- teach classical Greek.
The visitors arrived in Cambridge after five weeks at Mt. Tabor Holy Transfiguration Monastery in Redwood Valley, California, where under the auspices of the Ottawa-based Metropolitan Sheptytsky Institute of Eastern Christian Studies they took courses in iconography, theory and practice of prayer in the Eastern tradition, and the history of the Eastern churches. At the Ukrainian Research Institute they met with Summer Institute instructors and attended classes in order to observe American methods of la nguage instruction. The lecturers in Greek met with Byzantinologist Ihor Shevchenko, Dumbarton Oaks Professor of Byzantine History and Literature, Emeritus and a founder of the Ukrainian Research Institute, as well as with classics scholar Dana Miller of the Insitute's Publications Office. They also visited exhibits of classical Greek and Byzantine art at Harvard's Sackler Museum. Through the cooperation of Irene Maksymiuk and Hanna Melnyczuk, the three English instructors had an opportunity to attend Eng lish as a Second Language classes at Boston University.
Founded in 1928 and closed by the Soviet occupation authorities in 1939, the L'viv Theological Academy was re-inaugurated on September 1, 1994. During the 1994-1995 academic year it was attended by 125 students. The Academy offers a five-year program f or laity and members of religious communities, and a six-year program for candidates for the priesthood.
The chief organizer of the Academy's revival is Harvard graduate and former Institute associate Borys Gudziak, who also heads the Institute of Church History in L'viv. A recent benefactor of the Academy is Harvard's George Hunston Williams, Hollis Prof essor of Divinity, Emeritus, who donated a set of the Revue d'Histoire Ecclesiastique to the Academy library. This and other book donations will be transported to L'viv through the good offices of Fr. Jaroslav Nalysnyk of Boston and the Sabre Found ation in Cambridge.
With this article we begin a series of profiles of graduate students and other associates of the Ukrainian Research Institute at Harvard.
With its glowing illuminations and exquisite calligraphy, the Peresopnytsia Gospel is considered among the most beautiful surviving East Slavic manuscripts. "The floral designs in the art, the use of the braided acanthus, the vegetal motifs throughout, remind one of Venetian illuminated manuscript works originating in the Renaissance," says Harvard graduate student Matthew Kay. Yet it is precisely because scholars have been so interested in the artistic side of this work that they have neglected its li nguistic aspect. "There has been no significant study on the language of this manuscript," says Kay. "That's what my study will hope to correct."
A Ph.D. candidate in Harvard's Department of Slavic Languages and Literatures, Matthew Kay graduated in 1985 from the College of William and Mary with a degree in ancient Greek language and literature. Subsequently he switched to Slavic languages. Pres ently he is working on sixteenth-century sacred philology in the Ukrainian lands. Among his teachers are Michael Flier and Horace Lunt. An associate of the Institute since he arrived at Harvard in 1987, Kay has also taught Ukrainian. His dissertation topi c is the Peresopnytsia Gospel.
This Gospel or Ievanhelie was written over the course of five years, from 1556 to 1561, in the town of Peresopnytsia near Rivne in Volhynia, Western Ukraine. Its text was the work of a translator and a scribe. "We know that the scribe was one Mi khail or Mykhailo," says Kay. "He called himself Mikhail Vasilievich, and names himself, I believe, in four places in the manuscript. And the other person involved whom we have mention of is Hryhorii, a monk. We don't know exactly if he was the translator , and Mykhailo Vasylovych was the scribe, or if Mykhailo Vasylovych also had some intellectual involvement with the translation. I suspect that the latter is true. Mykhailo Vasylovych came from Sanok, in Galicia." The illustrations were probably done by a third person, whose name has not come down to us.
The Peresopnytsia Gospel is currently at the manuscripts division of the Central Scientific Library in Kiev. Kay spent three months studying it there, between October 1992 and January 1993. "I actually started with the Peresopnytsia Ievanhelie b ecause I was told it's easy to read. And that's true. If you ever saw the manuscript you'd be amazed by the large block-like lettering."
The size and readibility of the letters made the Gospel suitable for reading in church, and it was in fact designed for that purpose. "It would be very easy to read aloud because, besides the large print, you have an elaborate system of diacritical mar ks that serves to break the words up," Kay explains. In a long string of words, where the letters are typically run together, an acute accent indicates the initial letter and a grave accent marks the last letter of a word. The diacritical system came from Greek manuscripts and was adopted by the South Slavs. That, Kay remarks, also points to a South Slavic source for the work.
Indeed, the Peresopnytsia Gospel was translated not from Greek, but from Bulgarian. What was it translated into? Its language is described as ruska mova. But what precisely is ruska mova? "It's a very sticky subject," says Kay, "because i n the sixteenth century you had this designation for a lot of different works. And sometimes the languages of these works are not close to each other. You have that in [Francis] Skaryna's work, in printed publications and in the manuscript tradition assoc iated with him, and in other manuscript Gospels. It has a highly Slavonic base. But here, there is also quite a bit from Polish. I really see this manuscript as a confluence of two different literary traditions. You have the southern Slavic, traditional S lavonic element and then you have a Czech and Polish influence. And you can see how these two elements meet in the manuscript."
Kay speculates that the scribe may have been looking at two or more manuscript sources when he wrote the Peresopnytsia Gospel. He may have seen the printed Polish New Testament or even the full Polish Bible. As he points out, the translator and scribe were writing for an East Slavic audience in an ethnically non-Russian East Slavic area. Either or both were fluent in both Polish and early or middle Ukrainian. "And no doubt, parishioners hearing this out loud would understand Polish forms and Ukrainian forms. But you can understand why they wanted to use Polish. It was the language of the dominant neighboring culture. And just as the Poles were influenced by the Czechs, in sacred philology, the Ukrainians were influenced by the Poles. You can see quite a lot of outright borrowing of Polish lexemes and vocabulary items. But the manuscript is phonologically and morphologically East Slavic."
Among the first features of the Peresopnytsia Gospel to interest scholars were the glosses, many of which are in Ukrainian. "You have a Slavonic word," explains Kay, "and then right after it in smaller letters enclosed in brackets, you have a Ukrainian equivalent." A phrase like on poshel na brak (he went to the marriage) would be followed, in parentheses, by abo vesillia. "The glosses are fascinating," Kay remarks; "there are over 220 of them in the manuscript. And this is the way, when they were working with the Bible or parts of the Bible, that translators used elements from the vernacular language. In Czech Bibles, for instance--the first Bibles that were produced in the Czech lands were in Latin--you have these glosses in Czech." Gra dually, these glosses and marginalia would become more and more substantial, until it was finally decided to translate the entire work into Czech.
The glosses were probably not just for the reader's edification. Kay speculates that they were intended to be read out loud during the course of the liturgy. "In the sixteenth century, Church Slavonic was becoming unintelligible to the common folk. Whe n I said, On poshel na brak -- I'm sure they would know what that meant. But it seems that just in case, they would bring out a vernacular equivalent. But it is very interesting--not all the glosses offer a Ukrainian equivalent for the Slavonic. So metimes you have an insertion from the Greek text.... But in the majority of cases you have a word from the prosta mova."
After he completes his dissertation, Matthew Kay hopes to continue his research in this field. He would also like to teach Ukrainian and Russian, as well as East Slavic. Meanwhile, scholars are sure to benefit from his new gloss on the Peresopnytsia Go spel.
Summer School: Special Events
Thursday, July 6
Rehabilitation of Historic City Centers: Survey of the Architecture of Kiev, L'viv, and Luc'k. Dr. Bohdanna Urbanovych (City Art Council, L'viv, with the assistance of Olena Olijnyk (L'viv), and Mr. Arkadij Salamacha (National Historic Preservation Trust, Washington, D.C.).
Monday, July 10
Video: "Swan Lake: The Zone" (1990). Directed by Yuri Ilyenko (Ukrainian, with English subtitles). A film based on stories heard or experienced in Soviet prisons by Sergei Paradzhanov (director of "Shadows of Forgotten Ancestors"). At the 1990 Cannes Inte rnational Film Festival, "Swan Lake: The Zone" won the International Critics' Award for best film, and the Young Critics' Award for best foreign (non-French) film. Introduction to the film by a leading specialist on 20th-century Ukrainian film, theater, a nd music, Virko Baley, Professor of Music, University of Nevada, Las Vegas.
Thursday, July 13
Culture in Contemporary Ukraine. A lecture by Mykola Ryabchuk, a leading Ukrainian writer, critic, editor, and political commentator. Mr. Ryabchuk discussed the status of culture and cultural politics in Ukraine since independence.
Monday, July 17
Introduction to the Theater Workshop by Virlana Tkacz. For all Summer Institute faculty, staff and students. Virlana Tkacz is Director of the Yara Arts Group. Founded in 1990, the Yara Arts Group creates original theater pieces that explore timely top ics through the diverse cultural perspectives of the group's members. They bring together drama, poetry, song, historical materials, and scientific texts, primarily from the East, to form what one critic described as "extended meditation on an idea." Yara is a resident company of La MaMa, E.T.C., the internationally acclaimed experimental theater in New York.
Tuesday-Saturday, July 18-22
Theater Workshop: Growing Fangs, Tails and Wings. For all Summer Institute students, faculty, and staff. The Yara Arts Group's eighth annual theater workshop, focusing on Poetry in Performance.
Virlana Tkacz, director
Watoku Ueno, design
Oleh Drach ( Les' Kurbas Theater, L'viv ), actor.
Saturday, July 22
Theater Workshop Performance: Growing Fangs, Tails and Wings.
Tuesday, July 25
Youthful Perspectives on Contemporary Ukraine. Roundtable Discussion involving the Summer Institute students and teaching staff from Ukraine.
Thursday, July 27
Ukrainian-American Artists in an American World, a program featuring Askold Melnyczuk reading from his novel What Is Told; Andrea Odezynska showing her film "Dora Was Dysfunctional" -- a romantic comedy; and Dzvinia Orlowsky reading her poetry.
Monday, July 31
Video: "The Lost Letter" (1969, released in late 1980s). Directed by Borys Ivchenko (Ukrainian, no subtitles; plot summary and running commentary in English provided). With a screenplay by Ivan Drach, based on works and motifs of Mykola Hohol (Nikolai Gog ol), the film relates the fantastic adventures of the Cossach Vasyl on his way to deliver a letter from the Hetman to the Tsarina in St. Petersburg.
Thursday, August 3
The Challenge of Ukraine's Security Problems, a lecture by General Kostiantyn Morozov. General Morozov, now president of the Center for the Study of Ukrainian Statehood (Kiev), was Ukraine's first Minister of Defence (1991-1993).
Tuesday, August 8
Problems of Ukraine's Economy and Prospects for Economic Reform, a roundtable discussion with Volodymyr Lanovyj and Serhij Teryokhin.
Volodymyr Lanovyj, a Member of Parliament and president of the Center for Market Reform (Kiev), is a former Minister of Economy and was a candidate in the 1994 presidential elections.
Serhij Teryokhin is a Member of Parliament and president of the Ukrainian Foundation for Reform Support (Kiev).
Thursday, August 10
Video: "Night of Questions" (1993). Directed by Tetyana Mahar (Ukrainian, with English subtitles). The film, a contemporary love story shot on location in Kiev, took second place at an international film festival in Yalta in 1994. In the cast is Luba Demc huk, a 1992 alumna of the Harvard Ukrainian Summer Institute.
Friday, August 11
Performance of student plays and farewell party for HUSI students and staff.
Ukraine: Current Trends, Future Prospects
The Ukrainian Research Institute's annual intensive Summer Seminar, titled "Ukraine: Current Trends, Future Prospects," was held from July 23 through July 28. Fifteen participants -- about half from government and half from the private sec tor -- took part. Speakers included government officials, business executives, and academics from the U.S. and Ukraine.
The program began on Sunday, July 23, with registration at the Institute followed by an evening reception and dinner. The following day was devoted to domestic politics. At the first session, Professor Alexander Motyl of the Harriman Institute at Colum bia University spoke on "The Legacy of Leonid Kravchuk and the Transition to Leonid Kuchma." Next, Professor Olexij Haran' of the University of Kiev Mohyla Academy discussed "The New Configuration of Political Forces in Ukraine since the Elections of 1994 ."
Elehie Natalie Skoczylas of the United States Information Agency Office of Research began the Monday afternoon session, speaking on "Politics and Public Opinion in Ukraine." Her lecture was followed by "Regional and Local Politics in Ukraine" as analyz ed by Professor John Jaworsky of the University of Waterloo in Canada.
On Monday evening an orientation meeting was held at the Ukrainian Research Institute. The Summer Seminar participants were introduced to the Institute's library and publications office and to its various areas of activity. The meeting was followed by an informal reception.
Society, Law, and Culture was the theme for the following day. At the first session, Adrian Karatnycky, President of Freedom House, addressed the issue, "Is there a National Question in Ukraine? Problems of Interethnic Relations and Nation-building." N ext Andrew Sorokowski of the Institute staff discussed "Religion, Society and Politics in Ukraine," focusing on the disturbances surrounding Ukrainian Orthodox Patriarch Volodymyr's funeral in Kiev the previous week.
At the Tuesday afternoon session Mykola Ryabchuk -- writer, commentator, and literary editor of Suchasnist' (Kiev) -- explored "Issues of Language and Culture in Contemporary Ukraine." Legal questions were addressed by Stephen Nix, Esq. of Washi ngton, D.C., who serves as counsel to the International Foundation for Electoral Systems in Kiev. Entitled "The Law and the Process of Legal Reform in Ukraine," his presentation touched on electoral reform, the constitution, separation of powers, an indep endent judiciary, the legal professions, the adoption of certain institutions of Anglo-American law such as jury trial, and the recent agreement between president and parliament.
A round table discussion entitled "Youthful Perspectives on Contemporary Ukraine," held that evening, gave participants an opportunity to hear the views of the Summer Institute's students and teaching staff from Ukraine.
The sessions of Wednesday, July 26 were devoted to Economics and Business. A morning panel considered "The Current State of the Ukrainian Economy and Prospects for Economic Reforms." The first speaker was renowned Harvard economist and newly appointed director of the Harvard Institute for International Development, Professor Jeffrey Sachs. Joining him was Volodymyr Lanovyj, member of the Ukrainian Parliament, President of the Center for Market Reform in Kiev, and a former Minister of the Economy. With Mr. Lanovyj was fellow economist and parliamentarian Serhiy Teryokhin, president of the Ukrainian Foundation for Reform Support.
An afternoon panel on "Doing Business in Ukraine" was chaired by Walter Lupan, Esq., of the Ukrainian-American Bar Association. Entrepreneur Truls Enghof of Santiago Foods and Margaret Daniels of Claflin Capital Management were joined by Volodymyr Alty nnik of the State Property Fund for the Donets'k Oblast, Ukraine. Also speaking were Volodymyr Lanovyj and Serhiy Teryokhin.
Foreign Relations were the topic for Thursday, July 27. Dr. Roman Solchanyk of RAND Corporation in Santa Monica, California spoke on "Ukraine, Russia, and the CIS." His presentation was followed by a panel on "Ukraine and Its Neighbors in Eastern Europ e," chaired by Dr. Lubomyr Hajda, Associate Director of the Ukrainian Research Institute. The speakers were Professor Roman Szporluk of the Department of History at Harvard, Dr. Roman Solchanyk, and Professor John Jaworsky.
In the afternoon, Dr. Sherman Garnett of the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace reviewed the state of "Ukrainian-American Relations." That evening, participants had an opportunity for informal discussions over dinner at the Harvard Faculty Club .
The last day of the seminar, Friday, July 28, focused on Security Issues. In a morning lecture retired general Kostiantyn Morozov, President of the Center for the Study of Ukrainian Statehood in Kiev and former Minister of Defense, spoke on "Ukraine an d Issues of Security: National, Regional and Global Considerations." Afterwards he participated in a panel under the chairmanship of Dr. Lubomyr Hajda on "Crimea: Its Implications for Security." General Morozov was joined by Dr. Roman Solchanyk, Professor John Jaworsky, and Dr. Sherman Garnett. An open discussion in the afternoon concluded the conference.
HARVARD UKRAINIAN STUDIES
Volume XVI Number 3/4
including articles on:
FORTHCOMING: Volume XVII Numbers 1/2 and 3/4
In addition, the following recently reprinted issues are available to new and current subscribers at a special price of twenty-five dollars for all three:
Mrs. Olga K. Mayo
Harvard Ukrainian Studies
1583 Massachusetts Avenue
Cambridge MA 02138 USA.
In the next issue of Perspectives:
The Russian Minority in Ukraine
Economist Serhiy Teryokhin, the First Motorola Fellow at the Ukrainian Research Institute
The Seminar in Ukrainian Studies: Fall 1995 Schedule
PERSPECTIVES ON CONTEMPORARY UKRAINE
Andrew Sorokowski, Editor
Ksenya Kiebuzinski, Gleb Nechayev (on leave), Associate Editors
Ben Szporluk, Assistant Editor
Olga K. Mayo, Business Manager
George G. Grabowicz
The Ukrainian Research Institute
1583 Massachusetts Avenue
Cambridge, Massachusetts 02138-2801
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